Are the Memories of the Dead in Belfast Hurting the Prospects for Peace?

By William Poss, DIS Cross Cultural Communications student, Spring 2015

I wasn’t sure what to expect when I travelled to Belfast. I had heard about the prior conflicts between the Catholics and Protestants, but did not know how it would manifest itself in a modern society allegedly at peace.

It turns out that people have resumed pretty normal lives since the peace process truly began in 1998. However, the many murals and monuments present in some of the most violent-stricken sections of Belfast remind you that while the violence may be over for now, Northern Ireland is still very divided between the two groups, particularly with the older generations.

One of the many interesting aspects of the memorials in the Protestant and Catholic areas is how the images portray the conflict, as well as the others. I found that the murals and monuments in the primarily Catholic side seemed to be aimed more at promoting peace, and for remembering the dead in a less violent fashion.

On the contrary, many of the images in the Protestant zones seemed to celebrate their participants in “The Troubles” for their violent acts. This dichotomy left me to wonder if the Protestants were ready for peace, and how long it may take for the wounds of the conflict to heal?

This mural is a tribute to Bobby Sands, who was one of the leaders of the IRA. As you can see in the image, there is no portrayal of violence. This is one of the more upbeat and peaceful murals in Belfast, and includes a common quote in the peace process: “Our revenge will be the laughter of our children.” With both sides feeling that they were wronged in the past, to me it seems as if this mural wants all parties to put aside their differences, so that the future generations can enjoy long and peaceful lives.

This memorial is in honor of Maire Drumm, who was assassinated by Protestants in 1976. She was a vice president of Sinn Fein, the Irish, Catholic political party. While there is reference to the past conflicts in the plaque, the overwhelming message is to remember Maire for her good deeds. While it would be easy for the Catholics to display their anger at her wrongful death, the quote is significant, as it reinforces the message of moving forward in order to honor the deaths of friends and family.

In one of the more literal reminders of the past conflicts, and the continued strained relationships between the Republicans and Unionists, this image shows an electronic gate on the main road connecting the two divided communities. The gate is one of the only gaps in the Peace Wall, which were walls erected to separate the Protestants and Catholics in hopes of eliminating much of the violence. This gate is controlled by the local police, and can be closed by the push of a button if the police feel there may be any trouble. While the Peace Walls where supposed to be temporary, their continued existence and the support of the locals shows that the conflict is still very real in Northern Ireland.

Moving to the Protestant side of the city, this mural is in memory of the deaths of five members of the Ulster Volunteer Force, which is a loyalist paramilitary group. One of the most disturbing aspects of this mural to me is how positive the mural is in depicting the violent nature of the five dead UVF fighters. Rather than simply honoring their deaths, the image seemingly celebrates their deadly actions, and portrays the men as heroes for their involvement. Murals like these seem to show the Protestants as still very much engaged with the past, and an unwillingness to condemn their role in the violence.

As further evidence of some of the Unionists’ seemingly unwillingness to put aside the past, this mural is a direct reference to the past violence and shows a continued outrage about the the IRA never being brought to justice for many of their acts. Instead of being a monument to the loved ones who died, the mural uses their deaths for political purposes. The text of the mural showing these feelings and judgments, using phrases like “Indiscriminate slaughter”, “No legitimate targets”, and “Where is our justice?” Combined with images of several of the bombed locations, this mural is a powerful indication that the divide between Catholics and Protestants lives on among the citizens both putting up these murals and allowing them to stay there.

Together – Yet Divided

By Ally Kruse, DIS Cross Cultural Communications student, spring 2015

Principal Murtagh in front of the peace wall behind Hazelwood. The peace wall was built after the 1998 peace agreement that ended the violence in Belfast. //Photo by Ally Kruse, spring 2015.

After 30 years, Patricia Murtagh is still waiting for the day that her child can get up and go to the school at the end of the road. But this is Belfast, Northern Ireland and 30 years after the area was rocked by sectarian violence, kids as young as three are being divided along religious lines. Only six percent of Northern Irish schools are integrated, the rest separated as Protestant or Catholic.

Patricia Murtagh is the principal of one of these integrated schools, Hazelwood Primary School, located in North Belfast. She helped found the school in 1985 in downtown Belfast, during a high point of violence known here as “The Troubles”.

In simple terms, the Troubles were a violent political conflict between the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland and the Protestant majority. The Catholics were mostly pro-Republic of Ireland, wanting Northern Ireland to be part of the Republic while Protestants were loyal to the United Kingdom and the British crown. The violence broke out in the late 1960s and continued for a better part of 30 years.

Despite having no funding in the beginning, Murtagh’s school population grew steadily and they eventually moved to a larger location on Whitewell Road.

At the time Murtagh remembers, Whitewell Road was a more loyalist (loyalists and Protestant often being used interchangeably) working class neighborhood that saw a fair deal of conflict during the Troubles. Today, the area has a growing Catholic population. The population of the neighborhood doesn’t usually matter, because most kids are sent to public schools that are either Protestant or Catholic, starting in what we call elementary school straight through college. Teachers at these schools often have only been trained in one tradition, with minimal exposure to the other side.

Even Hazelwood still teaches religion, very different from public schools in the U.S. The core syllabus is Christian based, explained Murtagh, and on Fridays the class is split between Protestants and Catholics for respective religious teachings. I.e. the Catholic kids learn all the information they need to go through the seven sacraments.

“If we could separate education and religion it would be great,” says Murtagh. However, what’s important in the current situation, she points out, is that all actions are explained to the children. They take comparative religion courses and are given a wide view on a variety of social issues.

And of course there’s the factor of time. The children attending Hazelwood today don’t see the conflict the same way their predecessors had. The conflict is mostly a foreign concept to them.

Of course, that is not a sign of that the past is forgotten. Kids still feel the division of religion and politics in their education. Even behind Hazelwood, a tall wire fence, called a “Peace Wall”, runs along the edge of the plot, there to protect the mostly Catholic community behind it. It was built after the 1998 peace agreement.

“We see the opportunities that have been missed,” says Murtagh of the ongoing peace process between leaders of the two communities, begun in 1994. And yet she hopes that schools like Hazelwood can help bridge the gap between the communities by starting with the youth. Maybe soon the peace process will find an end, a solid date to mark the final end of the Troubles’ legacy in the history books.

Artwork done by students at Hazelwood Primary. Murtagh says the schools makes an effort to give the kids a wide world view, especially on social issues and especially for older kids. Hazelwood College, an integrated high school, is just up the road from the primary school. //Photo by Ally Kruse, spring 2015.

Hazelwood Primary hosts kids from as young as three at their nursery school, to eleven, from all backgrounds. In order to be considered integrated by the Department of Education there must be a balance of backgrounds. Murtagh believes its somewhere around 40-40-20 for percentages of Protestants, Catholics, and other religions. //Photo by Ally Kruse, spring 2015

The sign reads “I think Hazelwood is a great school because the teachers are all fantastic and understanding. Hazelwood gives us a chance to meet children from different back grounds [sic] and make new friends.” //Photo by Ally Kruse, spring 2015.

Flags that threaten

By Erin Harty, DIS Cross Cultural Communications Student, spring 2015

I was gripping the banister, leaning as far out as I could without making the old rail squeak. The school had called again, and mom was on the phone downstairs. They were talking about my older brother, of that I was sure, but what he had done I did not know. The only thing I could understand was that my mother thought someone or something was “ridiculous”, which her diplomatic way of saying stupid. Lots of things seemed to be “ridiculous” lately, and it all started with my brothers new skate shoes with hot red laces.

The teachers felt that my brothers shoelaces had too many negative connotations and that he would need to change them immediately or the school would be forced to issue punishment. At that age, I could not understand how red laces could be anything but a fashion statement. There were girls in my classes with a variety of colors; everything from hot pink to sparkly green. My mother explained to me that in some places shoelaces, hats, and bandanas were worn to express gang affiliation and although that was not my brothers intention, having those laces could make other students and faculty feel threatened. It was’t until a few weeks ago, on a class field trip to Ireland, that I finally gained a new perspective on those laces and better understood how they could be dangerous.

A month ago, my cross-cultural communications class visited Belfast, London-Derry, and Dublin to gain a better understanding of the conflicts between two cultural groups living in Northern Ireland. These groups have several names; Catholics or Nationalists and the Protestants, Unionists, or Loyalists. Historically, these groups have been violent adversaries. The Troubles, which began in the late 1960’s, were the peak of tensions between the two groups resulting in riots, crime, and killings on both sides. Although some believe that conflicts between these two groups ended with the “Good Friday” Agreement in 1998, many say deep-rooted tension still exists in portions of the city and especially amongst certain generations.

Before we arrived, I myself could hardly believe in the continued existence of so much seemingly unwarranted hate between two groups. Even upon arriving in Belfast, the topics of nationalism and the spiral of mistrust between groups seemed out of place in such a peaceful and bustling urban center. However, all that changed when I found myself standing in a Catholic neighborhood among all the small brick houses and seeing the peace-wall loom like a black cloud over everything. At this point, we were on a guided tour of the Falls and Shankill Roads; the epicenter of much of the violence during The Troubles. Today, the streets are lined with flags and murals memorializing men and women who have died for their cause, and stranger yet, those who have killed for the very same. Murderers and martyrs are commemorated on both sides of the wall, and yet, many are under the impression that Belfast has moved on.

Have things really changed or are the conflicts between these groups still alive and well? And to what extent? How can we, as outsiders, possibly tell? These were questions we were asked to answer through the course of our trip. By identifying and investing cultural symbols and common discourses we were better able to understand the current state of the conflicts between the Nationalist and Loyalist groups in Belfast.

It was after a talk from Dominique Brian, an anthropologist specializing in symbols as they reflect culture in Belfast, that I really began to see the continued existence of the Nationalist and Loyalist conflicts and apply some context to what the different symbols mean to both sides. The major symbols that Dominique focused on were the different flags. He talked about how these flags were made of symbols to draw power from the their existing connotations and become new symbols themselves. References were made to nations, religions, governments, sports teams, and even paramilitary groups. Especially in the case of the paramilitary references, some of these symbols are a firm reminder of violence and cause fear and anger in the other side.

Unionist Flags

Union Jack

Ulster Banner

Irish Nationalist flags

Tricolor

Harp Flag Variation (Ireland Forever)

Paramilitary Flags

Nationalist/Catholic: Irish Republican Army

Loyalist/Protestant: Ulster Volunteer Force

At first glance, these flags may seem harmless. However, when put into the context of the recent history of Belfast these flags take on a whole new meaning. The current flyers of these flags are not the only ones associated with these symbols. The murderers and martyrs painted on the walls of the Falls and Shankill roads also claimed these flags as their own. The flying of any of these flags is loaded with historic context going back to the days of riots and civilian deaths. By choosing to fly these flags, people are electing to mark themselves with the preconceived notions tied to these flags. Especially in the case of the paramilitary flags, these symbols are perceived as warnings marking the territory of the Nationalist and Loyalist groups.

Gang Culture
It may seem odd at first to associate segregation and intimidation with a flag, especially in the United States where there is a strong unifying sense of patriotism associated with the flag. But when looking at the context surrounding these symbols in comparable conflicts in the United States, the feelings and sentiments associated with these flags becomes more easily understood. Therefore, to understand demarcation of territory using Northern Irish flags, it may help to think about American gangs and the various symbols they use to mark their territory.

In the United States, and especially around large cities, gang culture is not unfamiliar. Even outsiders recognize deep rooter conflict between groups, for examples the Crips and the Bloods. To demarcate their territory and identify other members, gangs have adapted a complex system of signs and symbols associated with each particular group.

To better understand the extreme detail and subtly of these symbols, read the ethnographic study about female gang members called Homegirls. In this novel, an anthropologist investigates the signs and symbols school girls use to identify their allegiance to different gangs. Things as simple as the way they put on eye liner or the color of their shoelaces can demarcate different gang affiliations. The anthropologists goes into vast depth to understand the number of seemingly subtle ways theI mark identification talking about where they hang out during free periods, their style, and their slang.

These different expressions can seem harmless out of context, like a set of red shoelaces at a quiet suburban middle school. But in other parts of the U.S., these are clear symbols that tap into a long history of gang violence and battles over territory. It is through this lense, a context that accounts for historic violence and perpetual fear between groups, that the Northern Irish flags must be viewed.

To sum it up simply: Conflicts like these are deep-rooted, self-perpetuating, and to a degree inevitable. Naturally as humans, we create “us” and “them” identities subconsciously everyday. We do it when pledging allegiance to our flag, cheering for our favorite sports team, or even choosing between a mac or pc. We are everything we associate with, and equally we are everything we are not. The Nationalists and Loyalists are no different.

The past the Northern Irish groups have shared is violent and still widely remembered by those who were involved or parented by the participants. However, there is hope for change. Through the course of our trip, almost every person we met shared with us their dreams for a peaceful future and how they were working to achieve that. For some, that is working toward the expansion of integrated schools in and around Belfast and for others that is leading tours focused on helping outsiders understand the reality of living in conflicted territory. And more inspiring still are the decisions made by the younger generation to recognize the place they grew up in, knowing what that means, and choosing a way to counter the culture that they grew up in. This especially was made clear to me by a young man I met at a Belfast club: “I am an atheist. My mom is from the Shankill, and my dad lived in her same neighborhood. That’s where I grew up, but I won’t go back until the walls come down. I don’t want to be associated with all of that…that’s my parents’ war.”

The warriors holding on to conflict – and the youth letting go

By Brad Schuman, DIS cross cultural communications student, spring 2015

Throughout my travels, I’ve never had the opportunity to visit a war zone or a place of significant conflict. I’ve personally never fought for my freedom or in something I believe in deeply.

I have never been scared for my life or scared to be who I am.

Although the issues in Northern Ireland didn’t directly affect me, my feelings about the conflict changed as soon as I step foot in Belfast.

Large walls divided the city between the Catholic and Protestant and murals honoring fighters lined the streets.

Throughout the city, the radical beliefs of many of its citizens still remain strong. When traveling to Ireland and Belfast in particular, I was excited to see how the civil war affected the people living there. I knew tension was still present, but was unaware the issues were still so prominent.

The Troubles began in the late 1960’s and the final agreement between the two sides ended in 1998. The fighting began due to the people of Northern Ireland’s want to remain apart of the United Kingdom, but tension on both sides were fueled by those fighting for land. The main groups involved were Republican paramilitaries (IRA), Loyalist paramilitaries (UVF and UDA) and the British Security Force.

Many members of these groups were citizens who felt strongly either discriminated against or attacked by “the others”.

In many cases, radical youth from the Catholic side took part in hunger strikes, bombings and shootings, while British army members fought the rebels.

In total over 3,500 people were killed in the fight. To this day, the tension between the two sides can still seem strong.

Peace walls are still erected throughout the city, school are still segregated based on religion; and talking about religion in general is still taboo. The problems in Northern Ireland are far from over.

Belfast roads known for violent conflict
When arriving in Belfast, I wasn’t completely sure what I was going to see in regards to the conflicts.

The main city center of Belfast didn’t show signs that any major event happened. Only when you entered Shankill and Falls Road did you become aware that a war had happened twenty years prior.

These roads are notorious for where a majority of the fatal attacks happened. It is important to know that symbols are a good indicator of what areas support what side of the issue.

When I was walking through the two roads, it was hard to miss the memorials of its victims or the hundreds of flags lining the streets.

These non-verbal symbols are evidence that what happened here is still very relevant. The flags are very important because each one has a different meaning and are backed by differing political, religious and national groups. For example, if the basic flag of Ireland is flown, that means that a person, most likely a Christian supports the notion for Ireland to be free.

Additionally, the numerous memorials and murals immortalizing people who died supporting their cause was another weird site. I was surprised to see how radical and violent the mural were and how each side had a different way to commemorating those who were lost.

Although many of those who died are considered heroes to citizens of Belfast, outsiders might know of them as terrorists. These radical individuals bombed local stores and bars in order to prove their point. To most, the symbols looks like peaceful reminders of ones heritage, but their meanings are much deeper.

The X-combatants
When in Belfast, I was surprised to see how the issues affected generations differently. Obviously, the older generation who lived in Northern Ireland during the “Troubles” were still upset and radicalized in their views.

For instance, when doing a tour of Shankill and Falls road, our guides were still so strongly attached to their sides that they refused to tour in areas deemed opposite their own beliefs and religion.

Many of them served in the war by choice themselves and were jailed for their actions. This spoke very deeply to me because I could understand where and why the hatred towards the other side was still so strong.

Throughout the tour, I would sometimes pick up on strange subtleties mentioned by our guides. William Plum Smyth, one of our guides said it best. “The first causality of war is the truth.” These situations frustrated me and caused me to question how peace has lasted for so long.

In complete opposition to how adults view the situations, children and young adults seemed more un-phased by the issues that occurred and are still occurring.

The youth do not share the conflict
When visiting the Hazelwood Primary School, Principle Patricia Murtagh said that, “the new generation doesn’t see what is happening.” This was very visible and clear. When looking at a drawing the students did about anti bullying, many drew pictures of the Irish Flag next to the flag of the United Kingdom.

People who feel strongly about the cause would never create artwork like this. Despite many schools being segregated based on religion, there are integrated schools in Northern Ireland.

In my time at the integrated school, my casual conversations with these students proved that things are changing.

Many students I talked to knew their own beliefs, but cared very little if their best friend shared a different religion. During my own experience without our class, I met some girls who laughed when I asked their opinion on the fighting. One of the girls, Leah Fegan said:

“This is the older generations fight, we could care less.”

Similarly to the younger kids, these girls cared less about what their friends believed in. Their friends are just their friends, nothing more.

Paintbrushes and Peace – The Murals of Northern Ireland

By Becka Coryell, DIS Cross Cultural Communications student, spring 2015

There are not a lot of murals in my hometown, and especially not in very public places, and they are not very political. So going to Northern Ireland, which has an abundance of murals, many of which are politically influenced, was very different from what I was used to back home.

As a brief overview, the Troubles is the overarching term for the period in the late twentieth century where Irish Nationalists, who were also known as Republicans and were usually associated with Catholicism, were fighting against the Unionists, who were also known as Loyalists and were typically associated with Protestantism. The Nationalists, which the IRA fought for, supported Irish independence from England, and the Unionists supported England and wanted to stay a part of the English empire.

Clearly, the murals in these areas are very different than the ones that I had experienced in my hometown. The yellow and white murals both have to do with freeing prisoners of war, and the one on the far right tells people to explicitly join the Sinn Féin, a political party typically associated with the Irish Nationalists. Although the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 gave self-governance to Northern Ireland, there is still a lot of tension between the Republicans and the Unionists.

When we were visiting Northern Ireland, we took two tours that focused heavily on viewing murals. One was of Falls Road and Shankill Road, which were two roads that were heavily influenced by sectarian violence  during “The Troubles”, which was the time of political and social unrest in Ireland during the later half of the twentieth century.

The second tour that we went on was in (London) Derry. I write it like this because the name is still, to this day, a point of contention. While both of these tours had many similarities, I saw quite a few differences between the two cities.

Belfast

This is one of the many photos that I saw on the streets of Belfast. The man depicted is Bobby Sands, who we were told was a leader of the IRA and died while on a hunger strike in Prison. Around his face, it reads, “Everyone, Republican or otherwise, has their own particular role to play. Our revenge will be the laughter of our children”.

This quote seems, to me at least, to be less about peace and leaving the past behind then it might seem at first glance. This mural is, I would say, glorifying Bobby Sands, whom they call a “revolutionary” and a “volunteer”. However, to the Unionist party, he is a terrorist. Also, the part about “our revenge” seems a hostile, as if it puts blame on the Unionists for the actions of the Republicans.

The Unionist side also has murals that might not be promoting peace through the wording on them. One Unionist mural depicted several bombings that had happened on their street, and referred to the members of the IRA, the group that would have carried out the bombings, as, “so-called freedom fighters”.

This kind of language seems to not really promote conflict rather than peace between the two sides, and I personally believe that, with the fighting now over, the aim of public art should be to promote as much peace as possible.

I can’t remember where I heard it, but I was reminded of this phrase throughout my tours and when I thought back on them later: One man’s freedom fighter is another man’s terrorist. I thought that the murals on both sides of the divides seemed to glorify their freedom fighters, who were terrorists to the other party.

(London) Derry

We also visited (London) Derry, which is the location of the infamous Bloody Sunday.

There are twelve murals throughout the city, and they depict the events of Bloody Sunday, which was one of the days in the history of the Troubles with the most bloodshed, and other moments of The Troubles.

Our guide, who was one of the artists, talked about how they, the Bogside Artists, who painted these murals, attempted to make the murals be more about “what actually happened” as opposed to making a political gesture.

To me, these murals seemed to be much more about peace and moving on while remembering the past than the Belfast murals. They had little to no words on them, and they were just pictures. I don’t think they did a perfect job, for instance, the mural on the right depicts four Catholic victims, rather than mixing up Catholic and Protestant victims.

However, the child in the back was killed during an IRA bombing, so they are at least attempting to show fairness. Even though there was room for more representation of both sides, I think that the Bogside murals do a much better job at promoting peace in Northern Ireland.

All in all, I experienced something during these trips that I would never get to experience at home. I am very glad to have gotten so see these murals, but I definitely enjoyed the Bogside murals better.

I think that they promoted peace between the Nationalists and the Loyalists better than the murals in Belfast. I loved seeing how imagery and words posted in public places can have an effect on the people living in and around those spaces, and I think that this form of communication was certainly unifying, whether it unified one group against another or unified two groups for peace.

Learn more about the conflict and the Bogside Artists:

http://www.bogsideartists.com

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/troubles

The Hope Within Hazelwood

By Amy Corser, DIS Cross Cultural Communication student, spring 2015

PHOTO: By Amy Corser at Hazelwood Primary School, Belfast, spring 2015

Over sixteen years ago, the Good Friday peace agreement was put forth to end the violent conflict in Northern Ireland by the creation of a power-sharing government.

After this agreement was installed, it was viewed around the world as a model for how to resolve cultural conflicts. However, upon entering Belfast, I found a city profoundly divided in nearly every sense of the term.

In fact, The Troubles still seem to permeate Belfast in almost every aspect of civil life. From the separate schooling systems to the 30-foot-high walls snaking through the city, dividing Catholic neighborhoods from Protestant, the effects of The Troubles can still be seen within Belfast today.

The city’s history has undoubtedly been marked by the violent conflict between Irish Catholics and Ulster Protestants; however, the root of this conflict is unknown. Many believe conflict in Belfast began as early as the 1920s, when rioting broke out in the city between Catholic and Protestant groups.

Others believe that it wasn’t until the second half of the 19^th century when the conflict arose, as religious tensions and widespread discrimination festered below the surface of the city. Nonetheless, the city erupted into violence in August 1969, when religious rioting broke out in the city, as the people of Northern Ireland desired to remain part of the United Kingdom.

This violence intensified in the early 1970s, with rival paramilitary groups being formed on both sides. Thus, bombing, assassination and street violence formed a backdrop to life in Belfast throughout the seemingly inherent war, otherwise known as The Troubles.

Today, political leaders in Northern Ireland are still struggling to bring Protestant and Catholic groups together; or keep them apart depending on their politics. And although The Troubles officially ended in 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement, many citizens still lack a sense of security.

However, in recent years, Belfast has made great strides towards peace with the institution of various laws, agreements, and organizations that promote goodwill and understanding between parties.

More specifically, the incorporation of integrated schools in Northern Ireland has brought the region closer to the possibility of a nonviolent future. These schools reflect the Good Friday Agreement, put forth as a commitment to “the mutual respect, the civil rights and the religious liberties of everyone in the community.” Hazelwood Primary School is just one of these integrated schools in Belfast, and has grown to become a symbol of hope.

Racism is taught – let’s avoid it
Hazelwood Integrated Nursery and Primary School was built in 1985 under the notion, “no matter what faith background, you are welcome here.” The school is made up of 40% catholic children and 40% protestant children, leaving the remaining 20% of children from other religious backgrounds.

This balance of children promotes osmosis, as children are free to express their religious and cultural differences to one another in a safe environment. Beginning at just the age of three, Hazelwood students are given the opportunity to grow in an environment that promotes understanding rather than highlighting each other’s differences.

Students form resilient relationships with their classmates, as they are encouraged to participate or observe religious activities other than their own. Hazelwood Principal, Patricia Murtagh, explains that in an area undergoing seemingly endless conflict, “the only solution [is] to educate children together,” as they are the future of society.

I firmly believe that children are not, by nature, racist. Nor are they born with negative assumptions about those people in any definable group.

Children simply seem to have a keen inborn sense of justice that runs deep inside of them. Looking back at my own childhood, I can remember times when I, or someone I cared about, was attacked, verbally or physically. In these situations, I didn’t have to be told that this treatment was wrong and should be stopped immediately. I just knew.

Therefore, we don’t have to teach children respect for people of other backgrounds. We simply need to preserve their trust in themselves and others, as well as their inherent sense of justice.

This is especially important in areas such as Belfast, where discrimination and violence between Protestants and Catholics still lurks within the city. By allowing a child to grow in an environment where they feel safe and strong, he or she will respond negatively to racism, whether it’s directed at them or at someone else.

In an excerpt from the Hazelwood website, Murtagh explains:

“We are an integrated school and in this environment we talk about who we are and what we believe. – We respect our own and others’ cultures and backgrounds and take on the challenges that living in Northern Ireland continues to present.”

In my opinion, this statement embodies the unique power of Hazelwood, as it provides children with safe haven where they are free to practice what they believe, are encouraged to understand each other’s differences, and are motivated to create a better future.

Although less than ten percent of children in Northern Ireland attend integrated schools, these institutions may just be the spark needed to ignite a widespread discussion of peace.

American civil rights activist, Rosa Parks, once said:

“Racism is still with us. But it is up to us to prepare our children for what they have to meet, and, hopefully, we shall overcome.”

Borders between Neighbors – in Belfast and the US

By Morgan Kauffman, DIS Cross Cultural Communications student, spring 2015

While in Belfast, Northern Ireland, it is apparent there is a divide between citizens. Since the seventeenth century, Ireland has been divided, and latest in the 1960s, Belfast went into a specifically conflicted era dividing the town through violence between Catholics and Protestants.The era lasting until a peace agreement in 1998 is called “The Troubles” and began with human rights marches on the catholic side being met by violence from British authorities which fueled paramilitary movements and terror conducted by both sides.

Growing up in the United States, there are clear divisions as well, however, they involve social classes. There is an impoverished, or lower class, followed by the middle-class, upper middle-class and upper class, or wealthy. And as an American citizen visiting Belfast, societal divisions are even more apparent, but also much different than any class division in the US. In both Belfast and the US, such divides clearly affect the citizens’ attitudes and interactions, or lack thereof.

During my visit to Belfast, my class and I were given a tour of Falls Road and Shankill Road, opening our eyes to the historical division between Catholics and Protestants in one of the most troubled areas of the Northern Irish capitol.

Falls Road is the main road through a reknown Catholic or republican sector of Belfast neighboring the rivaling Shankill road, the main road running through a very Protestant or loyalist sector. In addition to different communities, beliefs and even murals depicting opposing views of who were the victims and who the perpetrators throughout the Troubles, the city is divided, ironically, by “peace walls”, which are scattered throughout Belfast.

The peace wall dividing Shankill Road and Falls Road is pictured above.

While on our walking tour of these two areas, I was shocked when the division between the two areas was so strict that we changed from a catholic guide to a completely new guide, who was protestant, when crossing into this area on Falls Road. However, even though this wall technically divides the two areas and shows the transition from one area to the other, it signifies the current peace process, which was solidified by the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 .

In contrast to the violence in Ireland, the divisions i my homecountry the US seems much more peaceful. Growing up in the US, class divisions become more and more apparent. In a capitalist society, where wages can differ heavily, social classes are created and cities can be divided.

For instance, the city of Dallas, Texas is divided into numerous districts. With capitalism running American society, economics divide cities. For example, there is the affluent “Park Cities” district comprised of Highland Park and University Park. These Park Cities median household incomes are $152,000 or more, placing Highland Park and University Park residents in a higher socio-economic class in upper class.

In contrast to the Park Cities sector of Dallas, South Dallas is not known for its affluence. South Dallas’s median household income is below $45,000 placing its residents in a lower socio-economic class and potentially impoverished in some cases.

Different neighborhoods – different schools – different views of the world
With clear divisions in both Belfast with its religious societal divisions and socio-economic divisions dividing citizens in the US, interactions and attitudes among the different groups can be affected. For instance, in Belfast, there are three different types of school a child can attend, depending on their religious denominations or family’s attitudes towards the peace process and integration.

A child in Northern Ireland can attend a state school, an institution that is state-funded making it largely, but not exclusively protestant. In addition to state schools, a child could attend a catholic school, which is also state-funded but is based on catholic ethos.

Finally, families have the option to send their child to an integrated school, where parents can introduce their children to a shared community where both Catholics and Protestants lead their lives amongst each other. I

ntegrated schooling gives Northern Ireland hope for a shared community. However, with tensions still apparent, many citizens of Belfast look down on integrated schooling; they see it as a place for students who “have not proven themselves academically”, according to Dr.Leon Litvack, a member of Belfast’s Community Relations Council and active participant in improving lives of the citizens of Belfast who have been affected by the conflict.

Only six percent of children in Belfast attend these integrated schools. As a result, although conditions have improved considerably, division amongst citizens of Belfast still exists.

In comparison with the Belfast’s divisions, the socio-economic differences in the US also divides cities and people. FA child living in a more affluent part of town, if they do not attend their state-funded public school, they may attend a private school, which they would pay to attend. In contrast, citizens of a lower-income city may not be able to afford these privileges. With more affluent students attending private schools and students of lower-income families composing a larger part of a public school’s populations, societies are similarly divided.

All in all, both Belfast and societies in the US exhibit clear divisions.

Such divisions create attitudes and hostility towards each side of a society: Many adults who grew up during the conflict are now instilling those similar views into their children because they grew up with such values themselves. Even though a peace process has been underway, divisions are still inevitable due to the history of the conflict.

In addition, some lower-income societies can feel hostility towards those of the upper class at times. When one see’s the opportunities another is offered and does not understand how such privileges were afforded, it can cause the feeling of inequality that also were part of sparking the conflict between empowered catholics and more privileged British protestants in the dawn of the Irish conflict.

An example from the US: South Dallas has a high crime rate and is to be avoided.

I have personally only been to South Dallas in order to participate in a Habitat for Humanity charity project building homes for impoverished residents with my sorority. Overall, even though Belfast and cities across the US share many cultural differences, they share the fact that both societies are divided in their own ways.

This forces us to ask ourselves: How are we to avoid stereotyping and creating expectations for a society in order for peace and equality to be attainable?

Education – dividing or uniting children?

By Emma E. Rule, DIS Cross Cultural Communication student, spring 2015

Before departing for our trip to Belfast, my class watched a documentary about The Troubles, a period of violent conflict in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1998. During this conflict between Catholics and Protestants, more than 3,600 people lost their lives and thousands were injured.

While in Belfast, I visited an integrated primary school, one of the few that allows Catholic and Protestant children to learn and grow together. I realized how the current education system in Northern Ireland perpetuates division and segregation, and how schools like Hazelwood work to bring people together to celebrate their diversity. Something that made me think about how my own country, The US, shares more characteristics with Northern Ireland and its problems, than I realized.

During the Troubles, the unionist party, associated with Protestants, had goals to remain part of the United Kingdom, while the minority, mostly Catholics, felt discriminated against and therefore fought strongly to become a part of the Republic of Ireland. These conflicting views were an impetus for violence and segregation, and while the violence has mostly deceased, the segregation lives on.

Because my class learned so much about Northern Ireland’s history prior to our trip, we arrived in Belfast with new lenses – lenses keenly aware of the devastating history Belfast had seen, and we were all eager to pick up on clues and symbols showing signs of years past. While reminders of those troubled times are scattered all throughout Belfast, frequently as wartime memorials and murals depicting past events or war heroes, the experience that stood out most to me was my visit to Hazelwood Primary School.

Integration has its obstacles
Hazelwood is one of the oldest integrated schools in Northern Ireland and the first in Belfast, celebrating its 30th anniversary this year. Mrs. Murtagh, the school’s principal, greeted us warmly and brought us into the staff’s lounge to talk. While her voice was calm and quiet, her words were clear and powerful. She talked us through the entire history of Hazelwood and the challenges it faces every day, being positioned in an area that was heavily affected by The Troubles.

Mrs. Murtagh explained how many students have trouble being accepted by their extended family who disagree with their decision to attend an integrated school. She also explained to us that like many other political systems, the education system in Northern Ireland helps to divide groups of people rather than unite them.

Only six percent of schools there are integrated, a number so low that it was hard for me to believe at first. The Department of Education makes it very hard for schools such as Hazelwood to be created, perpetuating the segregation so prevalent in Belfast. Initially, I was frustrated and confused as to why such positive school environments weren’t being encouraged.

Mrs. Murtagh explained that teachers and principals on both the Catholic and Protestant sides are in fear of losing their jobs if integrated schools become more common. A lot of them are simply trying to hold on to the security of employment at their respective schools, a feeling with which I can sympathize.

She offered us water and coffee, and told us about Hazelwood’s rough beginning, starting in a run-down building with no funding at all. Their numbers grew quickly from the start and now they are completely full, having to turn many kids away every year because they simply do not have more room. While Northern Ireland has come a long way since its most troubled time period, the education system is helping to continue the separation of the citizens based on their religion.

School halls covered in compassion
After our discussion, she led us on a tour of the school, opening our eyes to an explosions of color that covered the walls in posters, plaques, instructions, and everything in between.  

One of the bigger murals along the wall stated, “If we all sang the same note, we would never have harmony…” a clear message telling children that diversity should not only be celebrated and appreciated, but that it will be most rewarding when we bring diverse people together to create the most beautiful songs (or ideas, conversations, relationships, etc.).

Messages like this, praising diversity throughout the entire school, were right in line with what Mrs. Murtagh was telling us in the teacher’s lounge earlier that day. She explained that Hazelwood worked to unite children instead of tear them apart, something of great importance in a city where “peace walls” are still separating catholic and protestant neighborhoods, as a reminder of past violence, and where the history of rights and wrongs on both sides are still daily being contested.

As I walked through the halls, I couldn’t keep my eyes off of the walls. It seemed as though posters and drawings covered every inch (in the most beautiful and overwhelming way).

The sign that stood out to me the most, however, was one made by children showing the two flags, the Tricolor generally representing the Catholics, and the Union flag, which usually represents Protestants. The two flags were given faces and smiles, and most importantly, hands to hold in the name of friendship.

Above the flags was the message “Big No No To Bullying.”

The last word was adorably misspelled, reminding me of the purity of a child’s mind and how they need to be molded and guided by older generations in order to learn and grow. While this means teaching them simple concepts, like how to spell bullying, it also gives us the responsibility of teaching small minds about the past and about complex issues like segregation, diversity, and acceptance.

While we could easily teach such young and moldable minds to hate children different from them, we have a wonderful opportunity to show them how wonderful diversity is and how important it is to accept people from all backgrounds and religions. This is what Hazelwood works to do.

While Belfast is reminded daily of the violent conflicts it went through long ago, many of its people are working to move past those problems. However, this ideology is not reflected in the school system, which, like the neighborhoods, is still very much divided.

“In this country, there’s a huge resistance to be together. [People] can’t argue that integration isn’t a good thing, but they just don’t want to justify it,” Mrs. Murtagh explained to us, reminding us that many of those who don’t want to justify it are simply trying to protect their jobs. Even with this in mind, Hazelwood and other integrated schools are working to move Belfast and all of Northern Ireland on to the next step of not only accepting others but embracing them and appreciating their differences.

Anger in Art: Shankill Road Murals of Belfast

By Nicole Lund, DIS, Cross Cultural Communications student

Belfast is a city still so divided after decades of animosity that an imposing wall stands between the Catholic and Protestant areas.

Seeing it cut through the landscape, hovering over houses and separating neighbors, left a deep impression on me.

Before coming to Belfast I knew that the issues between Catholics and Protestants, Republicans and Loyalists, were still present, but the full extent of those problems didn’t hit me until I took a tour of the Shankill and Falls Roads and saw that wall.

I was immediately reminded of the Berlin Wall, and found it difficult to wrap my head around the fact that the residents of Belfast chose to divide themselves in such a physical way from their neighbors.

However, during my guided tour of the Shankill Road I was made more aware of the thought processes of the Protestant portion of the Belfast population in terms of their division.

The Shankill Road is the main street of the Protestant area of town, the Falls Road is the Catholic equivalent, and is designated by several murals like the one in the above picture. These colorful murals are used to glorify the Protestant heroes as well as remember the dead.

I was most struck by the strong emotional impact of the murals, which utilized vivid language and often violent imagery to promote the Protestant cause.

The above image is a good representation of this effect. Five smiling men wearing everyday clothes and wielding large guns are standing ready for conflict, with the classic Protestant symbol above them displaying the words “For Gold and Ulster”. This is the slogan of the UVF, Ulster Volunteer Force, a Loyalist paramilitary group known for its violence towards the Irish Catholic population of Belfast during the Troubles. While the group officially declared a ceasefire in 1994, members are still active today and the organization still has a criminal reputation.

Seeing this symbol on a prominent mural communicates that UVF is still supported in the Protestant areas. This fact is not entirely surprising, but it is troubling considering that hundreds of people walk by this mural everyday, making the symbol a normal sight.

One of the most thought-provoking parts of the tour happened when someone asked if these murals promoted even more conflict in the area. Confused, our guide explained that Catholics don’t venture into this part of town and therefore can’t get offended by it.

What was obvious to everyone except him was that the question was geared toward local Protestants, not Catholics. What happens when young Protestants see this mural everyday? Do they start to believe that violence against Catholics is heroic? Do they aspire to be like the men depicted?

Our guide didn’t see it that way, but all I could think about was how different my life would be had I grown up in an environment like that, so weighed down by anger over the past. But that right there is the point: This man grew up during the Troubles and was heavily influenced by the conflict around him, experiencing violent attacks from i.e. IRA on the Catholic side, while I did not.

There is no way that I can fully understand his point of view, or look at these murals through the eyes of the people who live here and walk by it everyday.

Walking along the Shankill Road and observing the murals painted on walls every few feet was an enlightening experience to say the least. It was as if I could feel the tension and animosity around me, even though on the outside the street wasn’t much different from any other. It is very clear on both sides that the generation who lived through the Troubles does not want the time to be forgotten, painting murals that only seem to encourage the cycle of violence between Catholics and Protestants.

I have learned from this visit to Belfast that grief and rage can be interchangeable, hurting everyone, from those who don’t want to move on to those who have no choice but to be reminded of the conflict everyday.

How Do We Remember History?

By Andrew Moffa, DIS Cross Cultural Communication student, spring 2015

We walked down Shankill Road as the snow continued to fall, approaching a mural depicting small children and babies being carried away from what looked like a bombing. Our tour guide told us about how this mural depicted the aftermath of the Shankill Road bombing, an attempt by the enemies to murder the leaders of the side he fought for.

While on the long study tour to Belfast, Northern Ireland, I was struck by the great divide that still exists between Catholics and Protestants in the aftermath of The Troubles, a conflict rooted in the British colonization of Ireland associated with protestantism and Catholic human rights activism in the late 60s causing 30 years of violence and terror among the citizens.

I had never visited a true post-conflict society before, and traveling to Belfast proved to be quite the first experience. One of the most interesting aspects of our time in Belfast for me were our walking tours of Falls Road, a historic Catholic road in the city, and Shankill Road, a nearby Protestant road also known for being a hotspot of violence during the Troubles. This tour, given by individuals who were directly involved in The Troubles, gave me a closer look at how both sides perceive the two groups’ tumultuous past.

The scene I described at the beginning took place during our walking tour of Shankill Road. Our tour guide was a former Unionist paramilitary and politician named William “Plum” Smith, who said something during the tour that immediately caught my attention and made me stop and think. While explaining one of the murals that could be seen on nearly every corner, Smith made the comment, “the first casualty of every conflict is the truth.”

Us and Them
It is often said when referencing historical conflicts that the victor writes history. However, the case in Northern Ireland does not seem to be so clear-cut. Because the region is still very much divided in terms of Protestants and Catholics, each side tells a different narrative about the past. This was especially evident when we were hearing directly from individuals who participated in The Troubles in some capacity.

Despite the time that has elapsed since a peace treaty was negotiated in the 1990s, neither side seems willing to admit any wrongdoing. This was very quite obvious when our teacher, Gry, was questioning Smith during one portion of the walking tour. Despite Gry’s persistent questioning, our tour guide continually defended the cause himself and other Protestants spent nearly 30 years fighting for.

Hearing this comment directly from someone who fought on the side of the Protestants in this conflict, I started to wonder whether we will ever really know the truth of what happened in Northern Ireland for close to 30 years. I even began to think about whether or not there will ever be an objective history of The Troubles.

It is also important when discussing memory and how different people perceive and remember The Troubles in Northern Ireland to think about the future. We were often reminded during our time in Belfast that the majority of the people who were on the front lines during The Troubles were young men.

Those who survived the violence are now around middle age or even a little older. We were told by many of our tour guides and presenters how the younger generation in Northern Ireland is not as knowledgeable about the extent of the conflict between Catholics and Protestants. It is worth looking to the future when the majority of the participants in The Troubles have passed away.

With no more eyewitnesses to describe the 30-year period of chaos, how will The Troubles be remembered? Will we only have biased accounts of what happened?

Remembering through art
Something closely connected to the search for truth in the aftermath of tense conflicts is the presence of art and how this form of expression complicates our remembrance of past events. It was easy to notice while walking through both the Falls Road and Shankill Road neighborhoods that murals play a major role in how the Northern Irish remember The Troubles.

These murals seem to serve a variety of purposes, as some are commentating on current events going on around the world while others serve as memorials to the individuals who sacrificed their lives during The Troubles. The murals as well as other forms of artistic expression also showcase the inherent bias that comes with remembering The Troubles.

Touring Falls Road and Shankill Road within a span of an hour or so made this quite obvious. The individuals for whom murals were painted on Falls Road were the same people described as killers while we were on Shankill Road. One group’s martyrs are another group’s murderers.

While you can make the case that this is the result of just about every conflict, this seems to be even more evident in the case of Northern Ireland because both groups are still present and hold a certain amount of power.